Richard's Ransom

In 1193, on his way home from Jerusalem, which he had failed to take, Richard was captured

KNIGHT TEMPLAR.

A member of the order of Knights Templar, showing the chain armor of the eleventh and twelfth centuries.

by Leopold of Austria and handed over to the emperor Henry VI, son of Frederick Barbarossa. This was a great event for the emperor, since Richard had been the ally of the Normans in Sicily and of the Guelfs in Germany, both of whom at this time were endeavoring to overthrow the emperor.' In April the news of the capture reached England, and strenuous efforts were made to raise the money that Henry demanded for the ransom of the king's person. The justiciars called on every one, lay or clerical, to give a fourth part of his revenues for that year, and a like portion of his personal property. From each knight's fee they demanded twenty shillings as the regular aid for the ransom of a lord; from the Cistercians, the great wool-raising monks, all their wool for a year; and from the churches all their gold and silver. The total sum finally raised was one hundred and fifty thousand marks (a mark = 13s. 4d.), an amount twice as large as the whole revenue of the kingdom; and Richard was released in 1194. The news was not welcome to Philip Augustus, who informed John that he had better look out, for the devil was loose.

Richard, John, and Philip Augustus

It was high time that Richard came back to England. During his absence, Longchamps had become exceedingly unpopular, and John, taking advantage of the discontent aroused by Richard's methods of raising money, and by the vigorous rule of Longchamps, became the leader of a movement for the purpose of deposing the justiciar. This was effected in 1191. Then in 1192 John, evidently aiming at the throne, began a vigorous revolt, and was aided and abetted by Philip Augustus. The uprising was put down in 1194 by Hubert Walker, the new justiciar, and Richard's supremacy was assured. The matter was a small one, but is of interest as showing the treacherous nature of John, the persistence of Philip, who had returned from the Third Crusade in order to take advantage of Richard's absence, and the way in which the barons were learning to war against an unpopular official, a training later to be brought into use against John himself.

When Richard returned, in 1194, he had nothing to fear from John, and he was in a position to settle scores with Philip Augustus for meddling with his affairs. He spent only two months in England, selling offices, receiving gifts, and imposing fines and taxes. In a special set of instructions to his justices (1194, see p. 105), he caused a list of old and new crown pleas to be drawn up, that inquiry regarding them might be made of the men of the shire, hundred, and vill, and that the cases might be brought before the itinerant justices. He did this in order that the money derived from escheats, fines, feudal dues, and other sources might be available for his war with France. In 1198 he met with his first serious opposition, when he demanded of his vassals three hundred knights. Hugh, bishop of Lincoln, refused to accede to this demand, on the ground that the lands of Lincoln were bound to do military service in England only, and not in France.

With the money he had raised Richard continued his struggle with Philip Augustus. He defeated Philip at Fretteval, in 1194, driving the French out of Normandy, Touraine, and Maine. In 1197, allied with the count of Flanders and Otto IV, his nephew, the first of the Guelf house to become emperor, he again defeated Philip, at Gisors, in 1198. The French king could make no headway against him, and was compelled to abide his time in patience. The opportunity came, however, when in 1199 Richard was mortally wounded on a freebooting expedition into Limoges, and gave place to his treacherous and reckless brother.

The reign of Richard is constitutionally important because it shows the strength of the system established by Henry II, which continued to work with great efficiency, even though there was no king in England. It is also significant in that it shows that the baronage and the people were learning how to act unitedly against a king's oppressive financial policy. This experience made easier the revolt that was to follow against the disastrous rule of John.